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Naxalism Essay Writing

Dileep Kumar

“What is objectionable, what is dangerous about extremists is not that they are extreme, but that they are intolerant. The evil is not what they say about their cause, but what they say about their opponents.”

Naxalism, the far-left radical communist organization though trace its origin to West Bengal in the early 1960s, gradually spread its wings towards the less developed areas of southern and eastern parts of the country. The Ministry of Home Affairs has been trying its hand in weakening the strength of the naxalites and other extremist groups who in the name of welfare for the downtrodden have done many heinous crimes resulting in deaths and harassment. Min of Home Affairs has recently declared that it takes twenty more years with an additional functioning of more than three lakh security force companies to completely eradicate the problem of Naxalism (It is also a known fact that the govt has merely lost its grip over the naxalites capture). Intelligence sources revealed that the South Asian Maoist parties have organized a secret meeting on strengthening the power of naxalite movements across. Intelligence also cautioned the ministry of Home Affairs that the naxal groups are seeking the help of Militant groups of Kashmir in order to strengthen their power in the regions they operate (training and weapons)

                        The naxalite groups have spread themselves in the dense forests of North, North-East unto the South region. The entire locality in these regions is a free zone for their organization and operations they carry on. They undergo strenuous training and motivation under the guidance of few activists and are supplied with powerful weaponry which they believe is the only source of justice. The strength of the entire naxal groups is around fifteen thousand and the weapons they train under are very much latest when compared to our own security forces, and the training our security forces undergo is far low to counter the naxalites.

The spread of Naxalism is an indication of the sense of desperation and alienation that is sweeping over of large sections of our nation who have been not only systematically marginalized but cruelly exploited and dispossessed in their last homelands…the central Indian adivasis have been described as “the original autochthonous people of India” meaning that their presence in India pre-dated the Dravidians, the Aryans and whoever else settled in this country…these are the real swadeshi products of India, in whose presence all others are foreign. These are ancient people with moral rights and claims thousands of years old. They were here first and should come first in our regard…Unfortunately like indigenous people all over the world; the India’s adivasis too have been savaged and ravaged by later people claiming to be more ‘civilized’.

The main hurdle is that the State govts have taken their own stand on the counter strike towards Naxalism which is definitely interference to the action plan the central govt has made for curbing the naxal operations. The abduction of Mr. Vineel Krishna (IAS of Odisha Cadre) has raised several questions on the way the State govts are acting towards these extreme groups.

On record, it is evident that in the 2010-11, the highest number of civilians and police forces have been killed by Naxal groups all over the country (over 1200 people were killed in Operation Green Hunt). The number is more than that f the deaths caused by the militant groups in Northern borders.

The need of the hour is effective training facilitates to the security forces and increase in their number. It is advisable for the security forces to get immense training under the Army forces to meet the extent of operations that the extremist forces carry.

The only solution to the problem of naxalism is in the hands of the regional political will.  These regional political heads need to cooperate with the central govt action plan and work for the welfare of the people and try to reach deep into the rural and downtrodden areas by making them aware of their basic rights and govt initiatives that take them forward in their life.

The recent elections in the left wing extremist areas of Chattisgarh have seen deployment of more than 600 companies of security forces (in addition to the already existing security forces are 22companies).

Here are some of the initiatives taken by the individual states:

  • States of Bihar, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal will share information and coordinate with one another in adjoining border areas (to stop the Naxals from escaping across the borders after launching attacks).

  • The Jharkhand government is setting up a state industrial security force on the lines of the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) to protect industries as the Naxalites (who operate in 18 of the 24 districts in the state) often destroy equipment of business establishments if they are not given extortion money.

  • The Orissa State government will be getting 10000 extra personnel for fighting the Naxals – long term deployment of two battalions of CRPF in Orissa and an additional five India Reserve Battalions.

  • In Tamil Nadu, a 10-day guerilla warfare training programme has begun for 320 cops in the seven districts falling under the Central Zone. The commandos of the elite STF will provide specialised training such as (1) sophisticated arms training (2) combing operations in reserve forests (3) setting up of temporary tents and bunkers to the 320 cops.

  • The Kerala govt is now surveying labourers from other states as the Maoists are using the state as a hide-out.

  • The Maharashtra government and the state police is setting up with a special force.

While the Centre has ruled out deployment of the Army as the forces’ hands are already full, the government has the following plans:

  1. The central government will be investing Rs 500-crore to fight the Naxals. This money will be used to provide Critical-mobility to the police
    (2) secure camping grounds and helipads at strategic locations,
    (3) build basic roads for the forces so they have mobility in otherwise    inaccessible areas.

  • India’s Interior Ministry has set up an anti-rebel cell to ensure periodic review and close monitoring of rebel activities.

The government has proposed a three-pronged strategy to combat Naxalism:

  1. Gain confidence of local people by taking up more welfare related activities.

  2. Build up infrastructure in naxal-affected areas and generate employment.

  3. Launch joint security operations with neighbouring states to eliminate left wing extremists.

Few policy recommendations on the problem of naxals

The army can only treat the symptoms through arrests or killings without treating the root cause of the problem. Similarly, the use of the Salwa Judum is highly counterproductive and has made things worse.

• The villagers are not against the state per say but against corrupt officials, politicians and contractors. It is corruption, which is one of the main problems. Unless the state is able to identify and punish people, who are stealing money meant for development of these areas, it is not going to be able to deal with the problem.
• Development should come simultaneously with counterinsurgency measures. Grouping of public health, education, public works, agriculture and irrigation to form cohesive multi-disciplinary task force and efforts to generate employment
opportunities for people will send a message of the government seriousness in addressing the basic problems of the people. Moreover, it is important provide good and sophisticated weapons to the security personnel and to train them in all aspects including networking with the local population, intelligence gathering, sharing, combat operations and coordinated developmental activities.
• “Locate, isolate and eradicate” – Locate the insurgents, isolate them from the local population and their channel of communication and then finish them
• Contrary to popular perception it is not all about guerrilla warfare but about revolutionary politics, which accounts for 70 percent of the strategy. Revolutionary politics is a combination of information warfare and political warfare. More than armed fighting they use propaganda. Unless the politicians recognise what revolutionary politics is they cannot hope to defeat the naxals.
• The naxals have declared that the armed rebellion is nonnegotiable.Talks should be there only for a short time but not for such a long duration that it provides an opportunity for the naxals to consolidate themselves.
• The government expenditure is mostly limited to the fortification of the police stations and procurement of arms and ammunition. The coordination among the forces on the
ground is clearly missing and their mobility has been curtailed due to geographical constraints.
• In order to tackle the problem, there is a need for simultaneous and coordinated action on all the core fronts of credible governance including development, security, perception management and political form. The state must re-establish connectivity with local and tribal people as this can hit the Maoists the most where it matters.

The process of development must also have a human face to prevent tribal alienation. Moreover, displacement without compensation should be avoided. The government must device a public-private partnership to ensure implementation of developmental projects and utilize the media to spread awareness of its good intentions.

References :

1. India Today Magazine

2. History of Naxalism – HT

3. National Dialogue on Naxal Problems

Naxalism In India

The attack in southern Chhattisgarh this past May 25 has again raised questions — and some bogeys — about India’s internal conflicts and the place Maoist rebels occupy in this universe. What’s the situation? And what is likely to happen? The short answer is that over the past three to four years, Left-wing rebels led primarily by Communist Party of India (Maoist) have been severely depleted by the surrender, arrest or death of leaders and cadres. Pressured by the onslaught, often knee-jerk, of both central and various state governments, the Maoists’ effective area of combat has shrunk to southern Chhattisgarh and adjacent areas of western Maharashtra and southwest Odisha (known as Danda-karanya), Bihar, a few pockets in Jhark-h-and, a sliver of Andhra Pradesh. While it is an emphatic weakening, the area is still vast, and cadre numbers and abilities enough to inflict severe damage in areas of strength. The Dandakaranya zone, where the attack on May 25 took place, is both major Maoist sanctuary, and core laboratory for administration, education, healthcare and way of community living and economic activity run by the Janatana Sarkar, or people’s government. This remains among the most inaccessible and forbidding policing and combat terrains in the country. This is where top Maoist military leadership shelters. This is where some of the most battlehardened cadres are.

Naturally, this is also where most government forces combating Maoists are located. For Maoists, this region is also quite different from the rough and tumble in Bihar and Jharkhand where Maoist rebels have for long been less concerned with trying to provide an alternate grassroots model; because of what can be called ‘objective conditions’ of rebellion, more engaged in retribution and survival. The Maoists’ duress is manifold. Among other things, they appear to be increasingly hard-pressed to communicate issues. There is a core hard-Left-leaning pool in urban India that will continue to provide recruits for on-ground action and eventual, ideological leadership. As ever this core is driven by angry intellectualism, and can move easily, generationally, from farmers’ rightsrelated land issues prevalent in the 1960s and 1970s to, say, land-related issues of tribal rights, and callous, often-corrupt land acquisition for various projects.


The term Naxalites comes from Naxalbari, a small village in West Bengal, where a section of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM) led by Kanu Sanyal,and Jangal Santhal initiated a violent uprising in 1967. On 18 May 1967, the Siliguri Kishan Sabha, of which Jangal was the president, declared their support for the movement initiated by Kanu Sanyal and readiness to adopt armed struggle to redistribute land to the landless. The following week, a sharecropper near Naxalbari village was attacked by the landlord’s men over a land dispute. On 24 May, when a police team arrived to arrest the peasant leaders, it was ambushed by a group of tribals led by Jangal Santhal, and a police inspector was killed in a hail of arrows. This event encouraged many Santhal tribals and other poor people to join the movement and to start attacking local landlords. These conflicts go back to the failure of implementing the 5th & 9th Schedules of the Constitution of India. See Outlook India comment by E.N. Rammohan ‘Unleash the Good Force’ - edition July 16, 2012. In theory these Schedules provide for a limited form of tribal autonomy with regard to exploiting natural resources on their lands, e.g. pharmaceutical & mining), and ‘land ceiling laws’, limiting the land to be possessed by landlords and distribution of excess land to landless farmers & labourers. The caste system is another important social aspect of these conflicts.

Mao Zedong provided ideological leadership for the Naxalbari movement, advocating that Indian peasants and lower class tribals overthrow the government and upper classes by force. A large number of urban elites were also attracted to the ideology, which spread through Charu Majumdar’s writings, particularly the ‘Historic Eight Documents’ which formed the basis of Naxalite ideology. In 1967, Naxalites organized the All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR), and later broke away from CPM. Violent uprisings were organized in several parts of the country. In 1969, the AICCCR gave birth to the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (CPI(ML)). Practically all Naxalite groups trace their origin to the CPI(ML). A separate offshoot from the beginning was the Maoist Communist Centre, which evolved out of the Dakshin Desh group. The MCC later fused with the People’s War Group to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist). A third offshoot was that of the Andhra revolutionary communists, mainly represented by the UCCRI(ML), following the mass line legacy of T. Nagi Reddy, which broke with the AICCCR at an early stage. During the 1970s, the movement was fragmented into disputing factions. By 1980, it was estimated that around 30 Naxalite groups were active, with a combined membership of 30,000.


The Naxalism is spreading through following groups in the following names :-

(1) CPI (ML): Communist Party of India.
(2) MCI: Moist communist centre.
(3) PWG: People war group fused to CPI(Moist)
(4) UCCRI (ML): Termed as Andhra communist.

Target Of Naxal To Raisenaxalism

They basically cover:-

(a) Landlords.
(b) Teachers.
(c) Businessmen.
(d) University Teachers.
(e) Police officers.

Cause Of Naxalims

The causes of the Maoist movement in India are structural. Economic, political and cultural dimensions are closely linked. The first is the economic situation which is exploited by Naxalites and their extreme left ideology. It seems much like a catch-22 situation. The basic rise to the naxalism is the one and only one reason of poverty. The Naxals do not consider themselves to well furnish in nature, in terms of amenities, which should be provided by the state. They consider themselves the weaker section of the society. Hence, to raise their power, and to prove the society they are supreme, and independent in nature. They started mobilising the poor, underprivileged, and discouraged and marginalised in the rural areas of India. Futher to raise their power and strength and to make their own government they started damaging the property, and, the people who are against them.

On the one hand, India has experienced relatively fast economic growth, which has led to increased levels of national wealth. To facilitate and continue this development, businesses need more land and natural resources such as minerals. On the other hand, this economic growth has been uneven among regions, and has widened the disparity between the rich and the poor. Proponents of these businesses argue that these regions need economic development, if they are to catch up with their richer counterparts.

The Indian aboriginals, known as adivasis, live these richly forested lands, which are wanted for development by businesses. The conflict between economic progress and aboriginal land rights continues to fuel the Naxalite’s activities. Their strongest bases are in the poorest areas of India. They are concentrated on the tribal belt such as West Bengal, Orissa, and Andhra Pradesh where locals experience forced acquisition of their land for developmental projects. Second, the alienation that is being exploited by the Maoists has a social, communal and regional dimension. The battle can also be described between India’s most neglected people and the nation’s most powerful industrial businesses. The adivasis make up about 8.4 percent of the population and live in severe poverty. They live in remote areas where government administration is weak and there is a lack of government services. These indigenous people have the lowest literacy rates in the country and highest rates of infant mortality. Given this socio- conomic alienation, it is easy to see how the Naxalite’s ideology is popular among the rural poor and indigenous tribes, and why the adivasis view the guerrillas as their “saviours”. The adivasis do not feel like they have any political power to voice their grievances legitimately, and therefore the alternative of subversive, illegal groups seem attractive.

Some argue that Naxalites are not concerned about the social or economic welfare of these people and are simply using them as a means to its end goal of seizing political power. The spread of Naxalism reflects the widespread alienation and discontentment felt by large parts of the country who are systematically marginalised. Dr. Subramanian, a former Director- General of the National Security Guard and Central Reserve Police Force notes that Naxalism exists in these tribal areas because of the dissatisfaction of the people against the government and big businesses, the terrain is suitable for guerrilla tactics, and there is no existence of a proper and effective local administration mechanism. In these areas, the conditions are conducive to warfare and extremist ideologies. Even if Naxalites are simply exploiting the adivasis’ situation for their own ends, their popularity indicates the power of the root causes to create such an environment for insecurity and violence.